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“I want to change the paradigm. I want to change the paradigm. It’s time to reward work, not just wealth. I want to change the paradigm,” President Biden recurrently stated during an astonishing theater of propagandists that passed for his first “press conference.”
The fact of the quasi-Soviet theater staged in detail without real journalistic questions was more revealing than almost anything said that day at the White House, although the recurring phrase did reveal the intention to radically change the entire American institutionality. Biden’s first 100 days were marked by his statements on the Derek Chauvin trial, when the jury was still out on the George Floyd murder charges, Biden demanded a conviction of Chauvin. Although the jury – subjected to intense public pressure from the press, the “Antifa” and BLM movements and the White House itself – found the former police officer guilty, Biden did not fail to point to alleged “systemic racism” in the dogmatic terms of critical race theory in the conviction.
President Trump claimed on the campaign trail that the supposed moderate centrism of the Biden candidate was the smokescreen for a leftist agenda of political, economic and cultural transformation as profound and radical as had not been seen in the United States since the New Deal. I myself labeled the Biden candidate a figurehead and the newly sworn-in President Biden a “puppet” of the interests of more than one extreme radical agenda.
But the bulk of the Democratic press and leadership – supported by the escalating censorship and disinformation woke by the tech giants – denied that their candidate would do what they now applaud him for.
President Clinton called President Biden’s initial performance nearly flawless in word and deed. He announced that he expected the Biden-Harris administration to transform “across barriers, lifting everybody up, giving everybody a chance,” as well as “the opportunity to change psychologically.” Biden proved in his first 100 days that Trump was right that what was hidden behind the “moderate” Biden was another New Deal. But Democratic politicians, intellectuals and journalists pleased today to compare the Biden-Harris administration with that of Franklin D. Roosevelt, branded those same comparisons as “fake news” during the election campaign.
The economic scope of the real Green New Deal
Somewhere, between the openly socialist projects of the radical ultra-left of the new Democratic party, the bill of those big corporate interests engaged in the political-media-technological conspiracy against Trump, proudly revealed by Time magazine and the NYT, and the aspiration of most the current Democratic leadership to a deep turn towards economic interventionism and political-cultural authoritarianism woke, the real Green New Deal will emerge as a political, economic and cultural project of radical institutional transformation of greater scope than Roosevelt’s own New Deal.
The nearly $2 billion pandemic relief bill would already surpass Roosevelt’s New Deal in cost to the taxpayer. And it was passed by a slim Democratic majority without even a couple of RINO’s of Republican support, with the fierce partisanship that Trump denounced Biden as hiding behind the mask of false moderation.
Spending for ideological purposes – and for rent capture – labeled “infrastructure” added to the American Families Plan and the American Jobs Plan would total $5.4 billion. That’s more than the sum of the combined wealth of all U.S. billionaires. At the expense – directly and indirectly – of taxpayers’ pockets, less will be paid in tax hikes -whose real objective is to put an end to the successful recovery of industrial investments and jobs achieved by the Trump administration, resuming industrial offshoring and service economy, while the great green bubble inflates wherever the government signals- than with inflation and debt in the medium and long term.
The political scope of the real Green New Deal
The Biden-Harris administration is betting on forcing Critical Race and Gender Theory – a radical, dogmatic Marxism – on the entire federal government and then forcing it on the entire education system through the influence of Washington spending and regulations.
Biden personally engaged in a risky bid for D.C. statehood. which would guarantee Democrats two seats in the Senate, supported weakening or even outlawing the legislative filibuster, commissioned studies of Supreme Court reforms to signal White House support for legislation to expand the number of Supreme Court justices – in order to impose a Democratic majority on the highest court – and showed his support for the sweeping election reform bill that would make mail-in voting universal in perpetuity, would centralize the electoral system by weakening the role of the states, and would neutralize the bulk of current Republican efforts for transparency, citizen control and real integrity of the electoral process.
Jenny Beth Martin, national coordinator of Tea Party Patriots recently wrote that “Biden knows his agenda is so radical and extreme, he can’t pass it intact without first profoundly changing the rules of the American political game” so “he is moving on all fronts to do exactly that.”
Even Sen. Mitt Romney no longer believes in the bipartisan consensus for which he bet on Trump’s defeat. The Media Research Center revealed that nightly news coverage of Biden was 59% positive during his first three months in the White House, versus just 11% positive coverage during the same period for Trump.
Guillermo Rodríguez is a professor of Political Economy in the extension area of the Faculty of Economic and Administrative Sciences at Universidad Monteávila, in Caracas. A researcher at the Juan de Mariana Center and author of several books // Guillermo es profesor de Economía Política en el área de extensión de la Facultad de Ciencias Económicas y Administrativas de la Universidad Monteávila, en Caracas, investigador en el Centro Juan de Mariana y autor de varios libros