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Colombia’s surrender to dictator Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela is the most important act in the strategy to integrate the transnational organized crime system of Castro-Chavismo into international relations. In allying with Maduro, wanted for drug trafficking, with 15 million dollars for his capture, investigated for “crimes against humanity” in the International Criminal Court, in a narco-state that sustains terrorism and declared enemy of Colombia, Petro has submitted Colombia’s foreign policy to the dictatorships/narco-states of 21st-century socialism.
Since Hugo Chávez turned Venezuela into a dictatorship and used it as the financing center for the expansion of Cuba’s dictatorship with the largest conspiracy against democracy in the Americas, the Republic of Colombia became the main target to control and take over. Since then, Colombia has been the object of the repetition of the aggressions perpetrated in the 20th century by Cuba through terrorist and drug-trafficking guerrillas such as the FARC, and ELN, which it organized, trained, and now sustains from Venezuela.
Petro’s government plan is aimed at the subordination of Colombia to Cuba’s leadership in international politics and the accelerated impoverishment of Colombians to add them to the millions of Venezuelans, Cubans, Nicaraguans, Bolivians, and Central Americans in humanitarian crisis or on the verge of it.
It is not that Petro seeks to exercise leadership in Latin America, quite the contrary, the facts show that he only repeats the already failed actions of the dictators of Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia, Nicaragua and the paradictatorial governments of Fernandez/Kirchner of Argentina and López Obrador of Mexico, in drug trafficking and international politics, to cover up the dictatorships of organized crime.
As a central theme of international politics – in his inaugural speech – Petro proclaimed the “failure of the fight against drug trafficking,” which he repeated at the United Nations Assembly 2022.
This narrative has its origin in the decade of the ’80s of the last century with Fidel Castro who sought to cover up the first narco-state of the region into which he had turned Cuba with his partnership with the drug traffickers Pablo Escobar Gaviria of Colombia and Roberto Suarez of Bolivia and which he tried to end with the shooting of his envoys Ochoa and de la Guardia. It was repeated by Chávez in 2003, by Juan Manuel Santos in 2014, and in the UN by Evo Morales in 2016.
The Castro-Chavista narrative of the failure of the fight against drug trafficking is the proposal to legalize the narcos and thus make legal the narco-states they have built and operate in Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia, and Nicaragua.
If drug trafficking ceases to be a crime because the fight against these crimes supposedly does not work, then drug traffickers such as the head of the Venezuelan regime and his “cartel of the suns” (all members of the dictatorship), those of the FARC and the ELN in Colombia, the capos of the system in Cuba, Bolivia and Nicaragua, the Castro-Chavistas in general, cease to be criminals.
None of the supporters of the alleged failure of the fight against drug trafficking say that the part that does not work is the part that has fallen into the hands of the heads of the narco-states, their accomplices and/or the interested parties and beneficiaries in any of the stages of drug trafficking. There is no way for the heads of narco-states and their subordinates to fight drug trafficking as demonstrated by Bolivia with Morales/Arce, Ecuador with Correa, Venezuela with Chavez/Maduro, Cuba with Castro/Diaz-Canel, Mexico with Lopez Obrador and to be seen Colombia with Petro.
Petro has just perpetrated the unconditional surrender of Colombia to the Venezuelan dictatorship/narco-state. He has traveled to the victor’s territory to tell Maduro that he has Colombia and its international policy and to request from there to the governments of Latin America -without saying anything about political prisoners, torture, or human rights violations- that the dictatorship that has generated the largest migratory crisis in the history of the region be treated as a normal subject of international law.
On the bilateral side, the visit did nothing to help the serious situation on the Colombian-Venezuelan border where organized crime sustained by the Venezuelan dictatorship operates.
As 54 Venezuelan organizations have demanded, there is no mention of “the participation of the victims of Venezuelan indigenous, human rights and environmental organizations in the total peace process”, which is Petro’s proposal to “negotiate with the armed groups that for years have caused the violence that bleeds the nation” and turn it into “State policy that includes the communities with binding dialogues”.
Carlos Sánchez Berzain es abogado, politólogo, máster en ciencia política y sociología. Catedrático. Estadista perseguido y exiliado político. Director del Interamerican Institute for Democracy // Carlos Sánchez Berzain is a lawyer, political scientist, with a master's degree in political science and sociology. Professor. Persecuted statesman and political exile. Director of the Interamerican Institute for Democracy.