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For a new McCarthyism

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“Are you now or have you ever been a member of the Communist Party?” This question, that Senator Joseph McCarthy asked his respondents, quickly became the slogan of McCarthyism. This ideological stage in the United States was formalized when the Senator from Wisconsin (R) gave a speech entitled “Enemies from Within” denouncing the presence of Soviet spies and collaborators in the State Department.

McCarthyism is a clearly anti-Communist and defensive vision. In the context of the Cold War, it had its raison d’être since two paradigms were clashing -the Soviet and the American- and its “defensive” dynamic was given by the inexistence of far-reaching warlike conflicts, replaced by ideological, geopolitical and security tensions.

Now, although McCarthy failed on many occasions and precisely because of this he came to be considered a conspiratorial hooligan, his position does not cease to be a premonition undervalued by the general public, and which today has proven to be very necessary. The McCarthyism needed today by the countries that treasure their sovereignty is an intransigent one regarding the Communist Party of China (CCP).

John Ratcliffe, Director of U.S. National Intelligence, said it very clearly: “China is the greatest threat this country has faced since World War II”. Now that the CCP’s corporate, communications and political mega-infiltration has been revealed, it is clear that no one is safe. But that doesn’t mean that I have an obligation to speak to a huge, submissive and stubborn West; my words, rather, are directed at Latin America.

The speech, the crown of McCarthyism

McCarthy’s most relevant and notorious denunciation was during the Lincoln Day of 1950 where he gave the controversial speech in which he baptized the nature of the epoch: it is about an open war between “the communist atheism against Christianity”, an enmity that Alexander Solzhenitsyn also considered.

To support this thesis, he uses two quotes, one from Iosif Stalin, the leader of the USSR at the time, and from Vladimir Lenin, the leader of the Bolshevik Revolution. The first asserted that belief in the possibility of communist revolution within the framework of Christianity is insanity or total repudiation of communism. The second believed that one of the two, communism or Christianity, should win, for the co-existence between the Soviet Republic and Christianity was “unthinkable.”

Continuing his main concept, McCarthy made some really worrying calculations that finally transformed the conflict into a clash of civilizations. The senator recalls the Dumbarton Oaks Conference, where the formation of the United Nations was negotiated. At the time, the Soviet world had 180 million inhabitants and on the “anti-totalitarian” side 1,625 billion people, but the figures turned around only five years later, in proportions of 8 to 5: by the year of the speech there were 800 million in the Soviet orbit and 500 million on the opposite side.

This represented a clear and silent defeat for the United States, and the McCarthyism that was woven into the contrast of the figures was crowned with a single sentence: if we lose this war and our democracy is destroyed, it will be by “internal enemies”. With this he denounced not only the infiltration of the USSR into government structures but also the high level of betrayal carried out by American citizens, as in the case of John S. Service, who suggested to the State Department that it should put an end to Chiang Kai-shek, Mao Zedong’s archenemy during the Civil War.

Alger Hiss
Alger Hiss was arrested and sentenced to five years in prison for perjury, following allegations of espionage by Whittaker Chambers, a member of the Communist Party of the United States. (Political)

McCarthy also cited the case of Gustave Duran, an “internationally known communist” who was appointed under-secretary of state for Latin American affairs and then head of the Cultural Activities Section in the office of the UN Under-Secretary-General. Continuing with his denunciations, he cited the case of Alger Hiss, who was arrested and sentenced to five years in prison for perjury, on the basis of denunciations of espionage made by Whittaker Chambers, a member of the Communist Party of the United States (CPUS).

Hiss, who was present at ten major events that strengthened communism, such as the post-IIGM Polish Question, the situation in Manchuria, Korea, was a key link in the America’s weakening, McCarthy argued.

The Republican senator at the end of his speech, and embracing what philosophers like Jünger, Solzhenitsyn, and writers like Hemingway thought about it, linked this phenomenon to “a hangover and a temporary moral lapse that follows every war.” Apathy and insensitivity to evil, McCarthy continues, are creations directly fostered in people after seeing genocides, after witnessing the destruction of innocent and defenseless people and the rampant criminality and lack of morality that war brings.

For a new Hispanic Macarthyism

Now, things have certainly changed. The USSR no longer exists, and the race for revolution is now in the hands of the Communist Party of China, which in its economic heterodoxy and jingoism has found its diplomacy. McCarthy died and his legacy was a premonition that the CCP fulfilled, to the surprise of Beijing, Moscow and Washington. However, such apathy has also been a prominent feature in contemporary Hispanic history, plagued by ignorance and neglect that have stifled prosperity in our nations in favor of the revolutionary surrender of the CCP’s proxy, the São Paulo Forum.

The destruction of the Venezuelan Amazon, the communicational and political depredation in Brazil, the pretensions of technological domination with 5G networks and of credit and energy domination in the whole region -especially in Venezuela, Ecuador and Chile- are enough arguments to take a step forward. A McCarthyism that exposes, investigates and stops the CCP’s claims of conquest is fundamental. The Sao Paulo Forum feeds on drug trafficking and terrorism while its centrist allies like Piñera and Moreno hand over sovereignty to China; these attitudes must be stopped at all costs.

China infiltrates its agents into governments, armies, companies and the media to make the surrender of sovereignty an apparent consensus. The McCarthyism that must be applied must be inspired by the vision that leaders like Trump have assumed: abandoning free-market dogmatism and placing sovereignty above temporary and otherwise relative macroeconomic benefits.

One initiative that should serve as a model for this McCarthyism is that of the Parliamentary Investigation Commission of the São Paulo Forum that Congressman Eduardo Bolsonaro wants to establish in Brazil.

With investigative commissions -similar to those the House Committee on Un-American Activities or the ICC of the São Paulo Forum-, communication campaigns that expose to the public the CCP’s pretensions to turn Hispanic America into a branch of power and cheap labor, this McCarthyism will undoubtedly awaken a patriotism that will be of great help.

It is important to clarify that the communication and political work should be treated as a matter of security and patriotism, not synophobia. There is a great difference between patriotism and discrimination against citizens who suffer from the totalitarianism of the Communist Party of China. A very positive consequence that can be obtained will be the weakening of this criminal organization and the strengthening of the citizens of China and neighboring nations that are being threatened. In the end, saving Latin America would have more important and positive effects than we imagine.

McCarthyism is a necessity for the West, but it refuses to take action. We Hispanic Americans who do not give up on our struggle to free our nations from communism have a real chance because, tragically and ironically, the lack of prosperity has prevented us from having scenarios like the United States. Because of this and because of our struggle against communism, we have a historic responsibility to fight the Communist Party of China.

Rafael Valera, Venezuelan, student of Political Science, political exile in São Paulo, Brazil since 2017 // Rafael Valera, venezolano, es estudiante de Ciencias Políticas y exiliado político en São Paulo, Brasil desde 2017

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