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Yunior García, the leader of Archipiélago, the principal organizers of the Civic March for Change (15N) scheduled for Monday the 15th of November which was thwarted by the impressive state terrorist maneuvers of the Castro-Communist regime, skipped the tentative demonstrations to flee the country for Spain. The playwright, whose whereabouts were unknown for the prior forty-eight hours, arrived in Madrid on Wednesday, November 17 with his wife, Dayana Prieto. Both had an asylum auspice. What happened?
There are two viable explanations for this most bizarre set of events. First, that this was a regime set up from the beginning. The other plausible rationalization was that the main figure of this dissident/opposition group buckled under the communist dictatorship’s pressure and successfully managed to cross the Atlantic Ocean, with the Castro government’s permission and Spain’s collaboration. While the underlying premise for the 15N demonstrations borne out of the legitimate clamors of the 11th of July Cuban People’s Uprising (11J), Cuba’s liberation and the end of Marxist-Leninist tyranny, remain staunchly relevant, the bizarre events of García’s case must be examined.
Possibility 1: Regime Setup
The longevity of Cuban communism’s 62-year duration can be attributed, to an enormous degree, to a sophisticated network of intelligence infrastructure. The immediate obstruction of any challenging force to its political power is an obvious objective. The other aim of the Castro regime’s spy and political police seek to inflict psychological damage to the opposition force, thereby supposedly frustrating future liberation endeavors.
Since 1959, the island’s communist dictatorship has used a wide range of intelligence and counter-intelligence strategies to promote inefficacy among all opposition operations. These include, but are not limited to infiltrating groups and organizations; staging events to entrap oppositionists; obtaining strategic information relying upon choreographed arrangements; masking reality to obscure facts and building figures within the dissident/opposition community only to later reveal that they were state security personnel all along.
The 15N tentative protests undoubtedly posed a threat to the Castro regime’s much sought-after stability priorities. This was more so the case, considering that four months prior, the 11J massive demonstrations, the biggest opposition mass mobilization in the dictatorship’s reign, took place. Yet, the mechanics to prevent the protests from being carried out were already in place. The military siege of the entire country and the forced cloistering of any possible discontented citizen whose residences were surrounded by parastate mobs and disguised political police operatives, gave assurances that 15N would not be a repeat of 11J. Why pull the theatrics with García and the whole fabrication of the 15N event?
The reason Cuba was for many years the leader in political prisoner population on a per capita basis was Castro-Communism’s obsession with having any and all opponents either dead, in prison, or in exile. The 11J peaceful revolt had no leader or organizer. There was no movement, organization, or group that planned it. It was strictly popular, massive, and spontaneous. From a repressive regime standpoint, this complicates things. If 15N was a Castro government setup, it would serve primarily two functions. It could facilitate information about surging leaders within a new class of opposition figures, as well as afford data to upgrade their intelligence inventory. The second dividend would be to attempt to lend a severe blow to the liberation momentum by inventing a “leader”, only to have him betray the very because he began. This, the Castro regime could believe, would disincentivize Cubans from persisting in their quest to be free.
Possibility 2: False Prophet
The other possibility is that Yunior García could have succumbed to fear and in the very last hour (literally) abandoned the liberation effort he helped engender and decided to go into exile in Spain. After all, everyone does have a right to live free. However, the logistics of totalitarian rule in Cuba complicates that premise. The systemic apparatus of social control on the island leaves no room for not even a minute possibility that García could have left the country legally, with the pertinent Cuban and Spanish visas, in the middle of a repressive lockdown and without the approval of the Marxist dictatorship.
García had announced that on Sunday, November 14, he would walk alone through the projected route of the 15N protest set for the following day. This action raised eyebrows among many. It would seem logically counterproductive to do this by himself the day before the big event. As it turned out, García did not leave his apartment that Sunday noting that government thugs and state security personnel were preventing him from leaving his residence. Then he disappeared for forty-eight hours, reappearing in Madrid on Wednesday.
Those that are defending the Archipiélago leader’s right to go into exile, lose sight of a fundamental fact that sets his situation apart. García was the predominant figure of the 15N protests. He convened a nation to risk prison, torture, harassment, and even death to attend a march for freedom. Additionally, García premeditatedly deceived his comrades and the Cuban people, when the day before the very 15N demonstrations, he reiterated his intent to march, first alone and then with the people on Monday. However, at that same time, the playwright knew where he and his wife were headed, and it was not remotely to march for freedom. García could have left for exile weeks before and not place people’s lives in jeopardy.
Whether he is an active intelligence officer of the Castro regime or is just being instrumentalized as a prompted false prophet, he is serving the interests of Castro-Communism and it is they who have engineered this whole drama. Yunior García is a traitor to Cuba and the cause of liberty. Many people’s lives will pay a hefty price for what he concocted and then betrayed. Judging from his statements at a press conference in Madrid on Thursday, November 18, the playwright is rehearsing his most important script in a play that has been produced by the Marxist-Leninist government.
With predictability, one can forecast that the new emissary for Cuban communism will argue hard for the removal of the United States embargo, its terrorist classification, and other sanctions against the socialist dictatorship. Additionally, García has already injected the word “dialogue” between the opposition and the Castro regime into the discussion. This is a prelude into the intended conversion of Cuba’s dictatorial model into the São Paulo Forum socialist prototype, which incorporates into its despotic structure a loyal “opposition”. Sham elections, like those in Venezuela and Nicaragua for example, is what the island’s communist government hopes will eventually dupe the United States and accept Cuba’s tyrannical status quo.
Cubans living on both sides of the Florida Straits, free world politicians, and media outlets should not offer García a platform to spread his disinformation. Castro-Communism is not offended by people calling them a “dictatorship.” The fact that Yunior García labels the Castro regime that, is trivial and a distraction. The 11J revolution must move beyond this attempt to stop the inevitable liberation of Cuba.
Julio M Shiling, political scientist, writer, director of Patria de Martí and The Cuban American Voice, lecturer and media commentator. A native of Cuba, he currently lives in the United States. Twitter: @JulioMShiling // Julio es politólogo, escritor, director de Patria de Martí y The Cuban American Voice. Conferenciante y comentarista en los medios. Natural de Cuba, vive actualmente en EE UU.