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Is France Losing the Battle Against Islamic Fundamentalism on Its Own Soil?

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No fewer than 35 persons who have criticized Islam are currently living in France under police protection. Good examples are Christine KellyFatiha Agag-Boudjahlat and Ophélie Meunier

  • Kelly is a star journalist of the CNews channel who shared a studio with Éric Zemmour and has been threatened several times with death by Islamic fundamentalists.
  • Fatiha is a feminist and secularist teacher and writer who was threatened with death after she reproached some students for not respecting the minute’s silence during the tribute to Samuel Paty, the history teacher who was stabbed and beheaded by Abdoullakh Anzorov after showing caricatures of the Prophet Mohamed in a class on freedom of expression.
  • Meunier is a reporter who filmed the documentary The Islamization of Roubaix and after it was broadcast on prime time, she was placed under police protection because of the numerous assassination threats she received from Muslim fundamentalists.

When Imam Hassen Chalghoumi supported the law banning the burqa in public in France, Islamist radicals besieged his mosque and stormed the prayer room shouting death threats. He has since been under police protection and fundamentalists have offered a $172,000 bounty on his head.

In today’s France, the same people who vandalize two Christian churches a day, are the ones who cause 10 French Jews to emigrate daily in the face of the rising anti-Semitic wave of Muslim radicalism coupled with the growing anti-Semitism, occasionally disguised as anti-Zionism, of the French ultra-left. Since 2000,  60,000 French Jews have left the country. 

A high school student, Mila, received  50 thousand threats in early 2020, when at age 16 she sourly  criticized Islam on Instagram in response to a Muslim who called her a “dirty lesbian.” While the French police investigated Mila for an alleged “hate crime”, and also separately investigated those who threatened her life online, Interior Minister Christophe Castaner was forced to ask the National Assembly to place Mila and her family under police protection.

Mila declared before a Paris court two truths that no multiculturalist woke can bear to hear:

“If every time we were scandalized, we had to pronounce death sentences, what would become of us? What kind of society would we live in?” and “I am sure that if I had formulated my criticism of Islam without vulgarities or blasphemies, they would have reacted in exactly the same way. Their aim is, above all, to prevent any criticism of Islam. But I’m not giving up.”

Mila was not a politician, intellectual, journalist or judge, like other people in France who are under police protection because of threats from Muslim fundamentalists. She was a young, ordinary high school student who responded to one rudeness with another. No more, no less.

But the goal of the fundamentalists in France, as in any other place where they feel capable of doing so, is to impose terror. They start by threatening journalists, intellectuals, politicians and even imams of their own faith when they consider that they offend Islam. But they must extend it to each and every person, because their goal is to make each and every person fear them so much that they dare not make the slightest criticism of them. And for that the most effective thing is to destroy the lives of ordinary people like Mila, so that they serve as an example.

The doctor of philosophy and controversial feminist writer Peggy Sastre aimed in Le Point to cowardice, rather than multiculturalism, as the reason why the feminist groups that mobilized to protest a possible award to director Roman Polanski, did not do so to support Mila in court:

“Why so much disaffection on the part of feminists? Perhaps because, in Mila’s case, standing up against the most violent and retrograde manifestations of the Muslim religion requires taking real risks and can have far more real consequences than we would expect when we come out of a movie theater and are careful to lift our evening gowns so as not to fall down the stairs,” Sastre rightly claimed.

Guillermo Rodríguez is a professor of Political Economy in the extension area of the Faculty of Economic and Administrative Sciences at Universidad Monteávila, in Caracas. A researcher at the Juan de Mariana Center and author of several books // Guillermo es profesor de Economía Política en el área de extensión de la Facultad de Ciencias Económicas y Administrativas de la Universidad Monteávila, en Caracas, investigador en el Centro Juan de Mariana y autor de varios libros

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